How should we interpret the Constitution?

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by Michael Maharrey

The Constitution, when followed as intended by the framers, provides a bulwark against overreaching governmental power.

“Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

Lord Acton wrote those words in a letter to Bishop Mandell Creighton in 1887. Acton was an English historian and political philosopher. He held a deep distrust of governmental power.

“The danger is not that a particular class is unfit to govern. Every class is unfit to govern.”

Acton understood what few Americans seem to grasp today; concentrated power poses a grave danger to the liberties of the people. Even the well intentioned can easily slide down the slippery slope toward tyrannical behavior when placed in positions of authority.

Thomas Jefferson wrote, “Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The people themselves, therefore, are its only safe depositories.”

The founders of the United States understood the dangers of concentrated power all too well. They lived with it and spilled blood to end it. As a result, they endeavored to create a government, framed by the Constitution, with limited power. Further, they divided those powers among three branches, creating a series of checks and balances.

The founder’s fears were quickly proved valid. The Alien and Sedition Acts passed in 1798, just 11 years after adoption of the Constitution, made it clear that federal power would tend to expand.

The problem stems from a tendency of those in power to stretch and pull on limits in order to satisfy their own ends. Each of us believe our ideas best. And while we may recoil at the notion of others imposing their ideas on us, we seldom fail to rationalize that our own program possesses such overriding benefit that a little coercion would be OK in that particular case. It’s for their own good, after all, we reason.

The recently passed federal health care legislation provides a vivid case in point. Most recognize the problems in our health care system. Most agree that changes are necessary. But to legitimize the huge federal power grab progressives deem necessary to fix the problem, proponents must bastardize the commerce and the general welfare clauses to an extent that virtually grants the federal government limitless power.

“Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

In the Virginia Resolution of 1798, a response to the Alien and Sedition Acts, James Madison warns of the dangers of expanding phrases beyond their original intent and meaning.

The General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; and that implications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases (which having been copied from the very limited grant of power, in the former articles of confederation were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the states by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into an absolute, or at best a mixed monarchy.

In other words, the Constitution must mean what it means.

Constitutional interpretation is not as mysterious and complicated as many would like to make it. The founders, framers and ratifiers wrote volumes on the subject, revealing not only the meaning of each article, but the principles underlying the document itself.

Instead of interpreting the Constitution through the lens of a progressive “living breathing” framework, which quickly devolves into pragmatic justification for expanding powers, we must understand the Constitution through the eyes of its creators. Otherwise, the document loses all real meaning, ripping down the bulwark protecting our liberties.

Jefferson summed it up nicely.

“On every question of construction let us carry ourselves back to the time when the Constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the text, or intended against it, conform to the probable one in which it was passed.”

About Mike Maharrey

Michael Maharrey [send him email] is the Communications Director for the Tenth Amendment Center. He proudly resides in the original home of the Principles of '98 - Kentucky. See his blog archive here and his article archive here. He also maintains the blog, Tenther Gleanings.

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17 comments
B. Johnson
B. Johnson

Questions like, "how should we interpret the Constitution?," and "is it constitutional?," all inadvertently sidestep the following point. The Constitution is amendable, evidenced by Article V. So if the Article V majority doesn't like how the USSC interprets the Constitution, then the Article V majority can quit sitting on their hands and amend the Constitution.

In fact, the 11th and 16th Amendments are examples of the states amending the Constitution to "overturn" USSC case decisions.

Jefferson had put it this way about the states ultimately calling the shots in the good old USA.

"If the two departments [Federal and State] should claim each the same subject of power, where is the common umpire to decide ultimately between them? In cases of little importance or urgency, the prudence of both parties will keep them aloof from the questionable ground; but if it can neither be avoided not compromised, a convention of the States must be called to ascribe the doubtful power to that department which they may think best." --Thomas Jefferson to John Cartwright, 1824.

Finally, don't overlook that in all discussions concerning constitutional limits on the powers of the Oval Office and Congress, you will rarely hear any reference to Article V, the Congress's best kept secret.

Richard Burnett
Richard Burnett

If the law were some copybook, with language easily definable, such as that speeding law, then we would have few problems--but the Constitution has few such easily definable phrases--therefore the court cases, the vexed arguments over federal-state relations, war powers, spending programs etc. Indeed, the amending process itself was violated by Thomas Jefferson, with a Congress full of Framers and Founders, with the Louisiana Purchase, and for one of the reasons that the amending procedure, the use by the States of their Reserved Powers under the Tenth, would have taken too long, that the opportunity to get that land would have been lost. Jefferson noted that Necessity trumped the normal amending process or the use of the Tenth.
No, I well aware of the amending procedure and the use of the making of the laws--but people starve while new policies are debated and made, and wars lost. If anything at all, this was the reason for that energetic Executive that Hamilton(with Jefferson in agreement) argued for. This is the problem of law and "lawlessness" that Plato note in his Statesman--the issue is that old.

TextualistDude
TextualistDude

RB
You write that "People starve while new policies are debated and made and wars lost."

This shows a sad bias in your thinking and a fundamental lack of understanding of the Constitution. Our government was not intended to solve every problem people face. If people are starving, they need to do something about it THEMSELVES! Government is not the answer. (This lesson was hammered home when Hurricane Rita landed.)

Further, in the case of conducting a war, the dithering, debate and delay of Congress is EXACTLY why President is the Commander in Chief under the Constitution.

It's hard to give any credence to your consistently negative comments when they offer no solutions and reveal such a complete lack of understanding.

Philosopherking
Philosopherking

Sometimes I wonder if people on the left really do believe in democracy when they establish so many undemocratic forms of government. Look at how many institutions in the government have the power to lay down laws without congressional approval. The EPA can declare what is safe for the enviroment without the democratic process getting involved.

Philosopherking
Philosopherking

The constitution states that it is the supreme law of the land and the law can't be moved around when it is inconvenient. It does not matter if it is life or death because it is the law which is unmovable so the consequences be damned.

"but people starve while new policies are debated and made, and wars lost. If anything at all, this was the reason for that energetic Executive that Hamilton(with Jefferson in agreement) argued for. " I doubt this statement is true.

Richard Burnett
Richard Burnett

As to those "specific words" and their meanings--read the 37th Federalist
As to changes to these words outside of the formal amending process, well, I give you a recent work, The Federalist Papers Written in Contemporary English" by some female scholar who simply inserted different words that she thought were more in line with today's English--but in so doing, she altered the arguments of Madison and Hamilton. Indeed, we are fortunate that the Constitution was written in a still alive language, unlike say, the Bible, much of which is unintelligible because of the many translations over time, giving rise to a plethora of opinions about everything Christian. And it takes more than the mere "democratic" process to change these words, it takes a societal change, to include the way the language is used, the courts and the executive, the very fabric of life in America. And therein lies the changes to the Constitution.

Philosopherking
Philosopherking

The fabric of life changes the constitution? That is not in Article V of the constitution and quite frankly saying that the 'fabric of life' determines the constitution is like saying the collective spirit of our civilization determines the constitution. Again--its not in article V of the constitution but if you insist then where and how do we decide what is the 'fabric of life'?

Richard Burnett
Richard Burnett

Indeed, the opportunity presented by the Obama Presidency and the current economic situation gives that opening for that change--but the problem with national-state relations aka federalis, or the problem of power and corruption, or whatever else, have always been with us--from at least FDR's days
The difficulty the Center and its allies will have is that if the economy revives, willy-nilly, the opportunity to make changes in the public mind about nullification, interposition and state's rights will fade. In the last several decades, such opportunities have arisen, notably during the Carter administration, the Clinton administration, to name but two. And in these cases, well, one can hardly say that Reagan or Bush were improvements over the prior administrations. Indeed, if anything, the national govt got larger, the state's power got less, in the opinions of those who hold the current view of this Center.
But there's an interesting question: what if the people, the ordianry Joe the Plumber, with all of this increase in federal power and decrease in the state's power, got what he wanted? .

Richard Burnett
Richard Burnett

A third problem has to do with that change in the generations. It will do no good to refer to an original meaning on the words of the Constitution if the current generation, or indeed, those in the recent past, have broken with it in critical understandings. Aristotle noted that change can come from revolutions and from slow changes through the changes in generations--changes in not only economies, but the very life-styles of those high and low. To appeal to some original idea. some notion of nullification, even if this original concept as you all argue was ever true, as an example, is to confront the current understanding of that issue held by all. The practical political question is, for all too many, are you better off with the current political arrangement than you might be with that older or different(this Center's ideas are not necessarily in line with the original intent) arrangement--would you like to see such things as Social Security and other "unconstitutional" entitlements go away? The Center and its allies have taken the opportunity presented by the adverse reaction to Obama and the economic crisis to propose that change from the current understanding and political arrangement.

Richard Burnett
Richard Burnett

As to poer corrupting, there's another view, that of Aristotle, who stated that "the office(or use of power) shows the man"--that when a good man uses power, it improves him, and when a bad one uses power, it makes him worse (see the Nocomachean Etnics). Acton thought that almost all emn were bad, and especially those who were in authority or might become in authority--to contrast with those described by Aristotle. This current opinion of Acton's wrecks any idea of any kind of representative government, as since there are no good men, their use of power will be an evil thing. What if Acton was wrong and Aristotle right, that there are good men, and more of them than Acton theorized?

silverrocket
silverrocket

The extreme opposite these days of what seems to be described simply as tyrannical government is what we have when government has no spine...A government bought and sold by multi-national corporations. A relationship that on the surface appears to offer "freedom"...freedom from regulation that restrict businesses rights to whatever they feel is best for the bottom line. The bottom line isn't necessarily the problematic aspect, but when the bottom line effects my right to basic freedoms of clean air, water...privacy issues relating to electronic media, corporation being considered "people", legally allowing bribing politicians for quid pro co. I personally agree that big government is problematic, but alas, so is the so called "freedom" that is being peddled by the extreme right. Unbridled capitalism certainly isn't what I call freedom either. Monsanto is a perfect example. I don;t trust the government, but I certainly don't trust that multi-national corporations have my best interests in mind either.

Philosopherking
Philosopherking

One last question--why do free people have to have your best interest at heart in order to be allowed to do things? What if big business made a case that the little guy doesn't have their best interest at heart and the little guy's freedoms had to be denied because of that? That would suck which shows that no one has to have the best interest of anyone else in order to have their freedom because the most basic freedom of speech can be denied if we said all speech had to have the best interest of their fellow citizens in order for that freedom to be available to them. What if that was the thinking--imagine every word we say had to be scrutinized under the domain of 'public good'. It would then fall to the government to manage the 'public good' and they would define speech laws. This may sound silly but this is what is happenning to free enterprise in this country.

Philosopherking
Philosopherking

You still have to answer the question of what right do you have to interfere with the free choice made between two people over the transfer of their property when they made the choice to begin with. If you have that right then you have to answer why you have the right to make a similar choice between you and someone else without interference from anyone else.

The whole idea that businesses have power is a big myth because that idea implies that your local blockbuster somehow has the power to control your decisions. Now if they had that power wouldn't they just tell you buy their stuff and why should they stop there? They should just tell you to hand over your money since they have power over your being and they would not be filing for bankruptcy. Since they have no power over you they have to get you to voluntarily hand over your money by enticing you with something like movies to rent. This is a free-exchange between two parties where no compulsion took place.

What you are talking about is when government couples itself with business which is a problem but that problem only exist because of big government. In that situation a business can not exert any more power on the public through the government than what the government has. This is why limited government powers protects the public from this kind of corporatism.

The culprit is not business but government which happens to be the root of all evil in society.

TextualistDude
TextualistDude

SR

I get it that you don't trust big corporations any more than big government. I don't either, because I don't trust PEOPLE. People make up government and people make up businesses.

So, how do you propose we address the issues of governing America?

Where do you start an analysis of any issue? I start with the language of the written constitution and I conclude that, for the most part, the issues you've raised (clean air and water, privacy, legal status of corporations, local political contributions, etc.) are left to the States and are not necessarily subject to federal regulation just because Pelosi, et al want to get involved.

If a particular issue is covered by the Constitution, such as bankruptcy, naturalization, army, navy, post office, post roads, patent & trademarks, declaration of war, coin money, etc. then Pelosi, et al get to legislate. Otherwise, they don't.

If you don't start your analysis with the Constitution to determine who has the power to address the issues you care about, where do you start? If you DO start with the Constitution, then you will find that most issues were left to the States and are NOT the province of the feds.

To me, the freedom comes from a strict reading of the US Constitution and my state's constitution. That way, I know what the rules are, that they won't change and I can live my life accordingly. Without the Constitution, we're just a nation of 300 million people with an opinion and we're subject to the whim of the mob in power at any moment.

Dave
Dave

"A Constitution that doesn’t mean what it says, means nothing at all." I believe this quote comes from an article on this site but it says it all.

TextualistDude
TextualistDude

I agree with the quote from TJ that the goal in every constitutional question should be the original intent as evinced by the words of document itself. This, at least, gives us a limit. If that is not the question, then why do we even have a constitution?

While people of good will and normal intelligence can differ, an honest debate about the meaning of a given phrase is healthy and enlightening. I welcome such debate!

Instead of healthy, honest debate about the original intent behind the words of the Constitution, we get Nancy Pelosi ridiculing and laughing at someone who asks where in the Constitution Congress has the power to legislate national health care. The idea that her power is limited in ANY way, is simply laughable to her.

How is this even possible? How does she remain in office? Where is the outrage? Where are the pitchforks and torches?

In a sane world of informed citizens, Pelosi would be removed immediately for such behavior. But, that didn't happen. Instead, she is lauded as a template of a powerful woman in America as she effectively says to the citizenry, "Let them eat cake!"

Sadly, we don't have a country of informed citizens and the maxim of power=corruption is proven, to those of us who are aware, every day. For a recent example, look at the leaders of Bell, California who were arrested for taking outrageous salaries approaching $1 million per year for jobs that normally pay 1/10th or less of that amount. These vermin had some power and the people of the city and the state auditors, as usual, were not paying attention. Look at the faces of power and corruption:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/39311302/ns/us_news-c...

You have to be living in a fantasy world to think big government solves problems. Sadly, people are very flawed and cannot be trusted with power.

"That government is best which governs least."

That's what the US Constitution is all about and we ignore it at our peril.

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