Commerce, Jurisdiction and Firearms Freedom Acts

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by Jeff Matthews

State efforts to reclaim their jurisdiction are great. But in some respects, the states are still showing signs of apprehension of, and/or undue deference to, the federal government.

Various states have passed legislation, collectively referred to as “Firearms Freedom Acts.” Though they may vary in the details, a common thread in these acts seems to be that a state considers a firearm to be within its jurisdiction if it is manufactured within the state.

The obvious reason for this common thread is that if a gun entered from another state, the argument that it falls within federal jurisdiction under the Interstate Commerce Clause can be invoked. However, such an argument would be incorrect.

Congress has the power to regulate interstate commerce. Just because a gun crosses state lines does not mean it did so as a part of commerce. Many people move from state to state and take their belongings, including guns, with them. This is not commerce.

Secondly, there is a temporal issue raised by assuming any gun that has come from another state is within the ambit of federal regulatory jurisdiction. As stated, the federal government is empowered to regulate interstate commerce. But what if a gun entered a state as part of interstate trade in say, 1980, and here it is 2010? The gun is no longer the subject of any act of interstate commerce and has not been for 30 years. It is specious, at best, for anyone to believe that any product that ever was the subject of interstate commerce forever remains the subject of federal regulatory control.

Jurisprudence has evolved from asserting federal jurisdiction over “commerce among the several states,” as intended, to anything “affecting commerce among the several states.” There are legitimate reasons for the desire of the federal government to try to extend the reach of its jurisdiction in this manner. There are many scenarios in which purely intrastate activities can thwart the ability of Congress to exert its authority over interstate commerce. The possibilities are so many that even the founders might admit that intrastate activities can effectively frustrate the original intent to confer on Congress the power to regulate interstate commerce.

However, just because the federal government might experience frustration in wielding the power conferred on it does not mean the federal government can unilaterally change the construct of its power. In such cases, amendment is the process which was designed to remedy such problems.

What the federal government has done is to effectively re-write the Constitution to expand its authority and dispense with its burden to show it is operating within the legitimate confines of its authority. By construing Congress’ power to regulate things which affect interstate commerce, Congress does not have to concern itself with whether the thing it seeks to regulate is actually the subject of interstate commerce.

For example, some scholars have noted that Congress could not effectively regulate things if it had to become entangled in the almost impossible process of proving that the thing it seeks to regulate was the subject of interstate commerce. In short, a person seeking to avoid federal regulation could easily frustrate regulators by demanding, “Prove these carrots, shoes, flowers, etc. came from within another state.” In addition, what if XYZ Corp. produces widgets in Alabama and is moving them to its warehouse in Mississippi, where it will offer them for sale there? Is movement, without a transfer of title, commerce? Whether it is, should be, or should not be, here, we can easily see the problem is complex.

Undeniably, these issues would put a heavy burden on the federal government if it had to comply with the law as written, since, as the proponent asserting its jurisdiction, the burden is always on it to prove by preponderance every fact essential to its claim that it has jurisdiction. Without being able to trace things and to know the specifics of the transactions, if any, in which they are engaged, the federal government would lose its case.

But isn’t that what due process is all about? If a person has a claim against another person, or if the government has a claim against another person, common notions of due process have always held that the former has the burden of proof. The mere fact that the burden of proof is difficult, if not impossible, to meet in certain cases should not offer an excuse to ignore the burden and re-write the rules without following proper procedures.

In summary, to the extent the federal government might have difficulty in a great many cases to demonstrate its jurisdiction over things alleged to be the subject of interstate commerce, this does not mean the federal government, in the absence of Constitutional amendment, can simply restate its jurisdiction to make it extend to all things which affect interstate commerce. Had this been the scope of power granted to it, the Constitution could have been written that way. But it was not.

In reclaiming their proper jurisdiction, state legislators need to take heed that their role is to jealously guard their jurisdiction and to protect it from federal overreach. By so doing, the goal of protecting their citizens from federal excesses is served.

reclaiming-american-revolutionAccordingly, state legislators need to make sure they do not assume significant portions of their jurisdiction away. In the instance of Firearms Freedom Acts, there is no reason to assume that if a gun originates from another state, it is automatically the subject of federal jurisdiction under the Interstate Commerce Clause. The point of origin of a thing does not mean it is part of commerce.

Therefore, there is no logical reason why states enacting Firearms Freedom Acts should claim jurisdiction over only those guns which are manufactured in their states. States should be exercising jurisdiction over guns if (1) they are in the state, and (2) they are not currently engaged in a transaction that constitutes commerce between a person of the state and a person of another state.

Jeff Matthews [send him email] is a practicing attorney in Houston. He graduated from the University of Texas, School of Law in 1993 and was licensed that year.

Copyright © 2010 by TenthAmendmentCenter.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly granted, provided full credit to the author and this website is given.

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14 comments
kldimond
kldimond

The whole U.S. Constitution as we know it today was brought on by the states' inability to trade amicably: predatory tariffs and other practices which had been used by England and had provoked the Revolutionary War in the first place.

The way I understand the Interstate Commerce Clause, putting an end to this kind of divisive practice was its point--not anything more or less.

Thus, I think the article, while interesting and on point in a lot of ways, still misses the extent of abuse of the clause. What states should be saying is that they will not honor abuses of the clause. I agree that the FFAs do not go far enough, but neither does Jeff Matthews' commentary.

Incidentally, it was the same sort of abuses that led to the Civil War. It takes governments a long time to learn the lessons of history, it would appear.

Ed Roberts
Ed Roberts

The main problem with the so called "FFAs" are that they come from politicians and are being passed solely to benefit politicians. State politicians propose these acts merely to tap into citizen anger over federal authoritarianism. Note that all are worded in a way which concedes the main point: that the "commerce clause" empowers the federal legislature to usurp reserved rights and powers of the citizenry.

State politicians are politicians. None of them will agree to anything which limits their authority or which acknowledges that the citizens have rights that are not subject to review and revision by the political class. I've posted before that these FFAs passed by state legislatures are worthless. Nullification can only be accomplished by the refusal of individual citizens to be ruled by amoral politicians at any level.

Guest
Guest

Ed

I agree with your sentiment, although I'm happy to see ANYTHING done to raise the issue so I support the FFA's in that sense.

I contacted my local state rep., (a Republican lawyer from a very small town who says he favors small government,etc.,) about several state issues where the state is following the fed's lead and trying to bail out this and that industry that is hurting during the recession.

I told him that he claims to favor 'small' government and yet everything he supports or proposes is just another government "solution" to interfere in the free market and allocate more and more of the people's tax dollars as he and his cronies see fit.

He tried to dodge the issues by claiming these were just bills he was 'reporting on' until I pointed out that he bragged about co-sponsoring all of them in an earlier newsletter and gave a rousing supportive floor speech before voting in favor of one particularly socialistic, redistribution scheme for 'green' jobs. I didn't hear back after that! What could he say? "Sorry, I lied and you caught me!" Not likely.

He just doesn't get it. Like GW Bush and his ilk, he talks the party line but it's really all about HIM. He's in love with power and just can't help himself. Almost all these people (except, apparently, Ron Paul and his ilk) see THEMSELVES as the answer to every problem because they think they are especially anointed by the Creator or something.

It seems to be human nature and I'm sorry to say there doesn't seem to be a way to avoid it. Sadly, we get the government we deserve. When people like Ron Paul tell Americans the truth, they call him a crack pot and dismiss him and his idea to just follow the Constitution. He's called a 'radical.' If it wasn't so serious, you'd just laugh at the insane stupidity.

It is very telling that ideas like 'term limits' even have to be raised. What is the point? "Save us from ourselves!" "If the law doesn't stop us, we'll vote for these losers repeatedly." In a rational world, there is no need for term limits and it's really silly when you think about it.

I'm too old to keep fighting these issues. My wife and I have finally decided to move to a different country. Since there is no place on the planet that has a proper functioning government (IMHO), we're moving to a country where the weather is nice and the government is too inept to effectively run our lives, even though I'm sure they'd love to.

Harold Pack
Harold Pack

PS: to the above, notice that the 14nth amendment does not mention 2nd amendment (gun rights) for the new federal citizens. To return to the status of 9nth amendment state citizens we need to repeal the 14nth amendment and the designation of federal citizen hanging over us.

Jonathan
Jonathan

I don't know what the chances are for the FFAs to pass muster but strong or weak they are good start. It took nearly 30 years to get a good test case on the 2A up to SCOTUS. It'll probably take even longer for the 10th since there is so much commerce clause case law. I'm wondering what else can be done

Harold Pack
Harold Pack

Far too many people have not yet realized that the beginning of the end of limited goverment was the 14nth amendment. Before the 14nth amendment there was no such thing as a federal citizen, however after the 14nth amendment we were citizens of the state we live in and the United States. From that time forward we were dual citizens, dual citizens no longer covered by the 9nth and 10nth amendments. Do some in depth research and you will not like what you find.

William
William

I supported the FFAs but upon reading this i still agree with the sentiment but as the second commenter said, they give away far to much.

Red in SC
Red in SC

Since the Civil War, the states have seen their powers diminished to the point that the term "states rights" no longer has any meaning. While the Union cause was noble and honorable, the enforcement of a policy at the point of a gun was wrong and led to disastrous results.

Now, we are asking the impossible; that the federal government restrain itself. The Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches are all part of the same entity and share a common interest in expanding the power of the federal government. These Firearms Freedom Acts are hollow gestures. A branch of the Federal government, the Supreme Court, will eventually rule on them. So, we, the people, no longer have the power to limit the Federal government, since it has the final say on what is Constitutional, and the sole power to enforce what it rules.

adfowlkes71
adfowlkes71

If I understand this right, is the commerce clause there in case the Federal government overreaches it's bounds, or what? I am thoroughly confused if not. So far, I think that is the only clause in the Constitution that gives me trouble in understanding. There could be others. I try to read it like I do my Bible, and is this site a good forum for questions?

MichaelBoldin
MichaelBoldin

Every clause in the constitution is meant to limit the power of the federal government, including Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 - the "Interstate Commerce Clause"

What is authorizes them to do is pretty simple - make uniform rules for commercial transactions that cross state jurisdictional boundaries.....well, that's a very brief overview of it.

We have a brochure on this with some further info: http://www.tenthamendmentcenter.com/wp-content/up...

theunknownamerican
theunknownamerican

I've read somewhere that the whole point was to prevent states from regulating their own interstate commerce so the federal government could usurp those powers for the purpose of creating a uniform trade policy among the states, between other nations, and the indian tribe. It was just to difficult under the articles of confederation for states and other nations to establish trade with the United states since the entire nations had one policy, each state had its own, and indian tribes. This made it difficult to trade since each entity mentioned had its own unique policy.

I'm not disagreeing with you. I thought I just add some my own thoughts to it.

Guest
Guest

I agree and have posted before that the FFA's give away far too much.

If the Founders made a mistake in drafting the Commerce Clause, then the solution is to amend it properly. I don't care how difficult it is for the Feds to comply. As long as it's possible to give meaning to the words in the Constitution, then we should apply and enforce those words as written. Look what happens when we let the feds decide how much power the feds have.

I love the backbone these FFA states are showing but I really wish people who swear to uphold the Constitution would read the document much more carefully (or, in the case of many Washington-bound politicians, just READ it at all!) before taking the oath and consider what the words mean rather than starting with what the public school system or the US Supreme Court has said they mean.

MichaelBoldin
MichaelBoldin

Well, it's definitely going to be up to us, the average people, to uphold the constitution. Politicians, whether they read the thing or not, never will.

r4i gold
r4i gold

The government's filing in the case demands its dismissal, citing a lacking of "standing" for the plaintiffs and the court's lack of "jurisdiction," as well as the Constitution's Commerce clause.

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