Editor’s Note: James Madison, often referred to as the “Father of the Constitution,” is considered on of America’s leading founding fathers. He was the principal author of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, wrote over a third of the Federalist Papers, and was the fourth president of the United States (1809-1817).
In 1798, he secretly co-authored, along with Thomas Jefferson, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions to protest the Alien and Sedition Acts. It was these resolutions where the principles of nullification and interposition first gained prominence in the American tradition.
In honor of James Madison’s birthday, March 16, 1751, we are pleased to announce the third installment of our “publications†section. This paper, “From Interposition to Nullification: Peripheries and Center in the Thought of James Madison,†by Kevin R.C. Gutzman, is a fantastic resource for understanding the political thought of Madison, which showed great changes over his career – from nationalism to state sovereignty and back.
It was originally published in the University of Virginia’s Essays in History, vol 26, 1994.
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From Interposition to Nullification: Peripheries and Center in the Thought of James Madison
by Kevin R.C. Gutzman
In 1836, the expiring James Madison offered “Advice to My Country”:
The advice nearest to my heart and deepest in my convictions, is that the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her box opened, and the disguised one as the serpent creeping with deadly wiles into Paradise.
Madison’s concern for the future of the union had been piqued by the Nullification Controversy and the growing appeal of states’ rights.
There is a certain irony in Madison’s worries: the states’ rights strain of Jeffersonianism owed much to the actions and public writings four decades earlier of Madison himself. The story of Madison’s career can be seen as that of a creative politician whose very creativity came, at the end of his life, to threaten his foremost achievement. After his death, his intellectual heirs would rend the union asunder; the doctrine of state sovereignty under the federal constitution, which Madison had helped formulate in response to a perceived threat to republicanism, would be used to truncate the union, the extended sphere Madison had been instrumental in creating and in which he had long lodged his fondest hopes.
James Madison’s thinking about federalism prior to 1800 reflected the relative strengths of the federal and state governments at different times. Consistent theory yielded to political imperative; understanding was altered by perspective and experience. Madison had a consistent vision of the ideal polity, but the events of those years elicited the enunciation of doctrines and the support of constitutional interpretations of which, on sober second thought, he disapproved.
James Madison was integrally involved in the conception, drafting, and passage of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. Yet, he had emerged from the Philadelphia Convention eleven years earlier convinced that the old British imperium in imperio had been recreated, concerned that the federal government had not been given enough power vis-a-vis the states. To rectify the situation, he had proposed a constitutional amendment making certain basic freedoms enforceable by the federal judiciary against the states.
This apparent inconsistency need not be viewed as a sign of opportunism. The Virginia Plan and the Virginia Resolutions were both devices Madison hoped would preserve the hard-won gains of the Revolution. He did not want mere union, but a certain type of union; he did not want mere federalism, but federalism which would return control of the republic to those who could be trusted to act continentally. In the context of 1787, this desire led to advocacy of firmer union in the Virginia Plan; in that of 1798, to assertion of states’ rights in the Virginia Resolutions.
Thus, Publius could point to the reservation of rights to the states as a positive feature of the proposed federal edifice: while he would have preferred a more centralized union, Madison believed the union in prospect was superior to the Confederation government. As a statesman, improvement was Madison’s goal; as an heir to the thought of St. Augustine, Madison thought that imperfection was to be expected in any human creation; as a practical politician, he adopted popular arguments with which he did not necessarily agree in order to secure his aim.
Madison, like his friend Thomas Jefferson, partook of the ambient partisan excess of the 1790s. Because he tended to see the actions of the Federalist administrations in an extremely negative light, his enunciation of Republican values in the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and “clarification” in the Report of 1800 were inconsistent with his statements and behavior both before and after the Federalist period. Madison undermined the prospects for long-term durability of his work in the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 by acting as he did in 1798-1800.
It was to the “Principles of ’98″ that James Madison’s successors in leadership of the Southern interest in federal politics turned until, in the 1960s, the South as an insular political entity was eliminated from American life. Despite what Madison said in his later years, the states’ rights tradition was firmly based on his and Jefferson’s writings in 1798.
CLICK HERE TO READ THE FULL PAPER
Kevin R. C. Gutzman, J.D., Ph.D., Associate Professor of History at Western Connecticut State University, is the author of Virginia’s American Revolution: From Dominion to Republic, 1776–1840 and The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Constitution. He is also the co-author, with Thomas E. Woods, Jr., of Who Killed the Constitution? The Federal Government vs. American Liberty from World War I to Barack Obama. His upcoming book, James Madison and the Making of America, will be published by St. Martin’s early in 2011.
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The underpinings of the Constitution are the unalienable rights of Man, as based upon fundamental Christion principles, namely that government is merely the servant pf the People; intended to protect, not to dictate or attempt to "homogenize" (as today). Our Founding Fathers emphatically acknowledged this as they debated what role denominational Christianity was to play in this new Republic. Their collective intent was to assure minimal intrusion by any form of central government. It is the compact of the States which collectively gives Limited power to the Federal government~~~~ The antithetical Progressive influence of the late 1800's beginning with Teddy Roosevelt (actuallly, beginning with the secular humanist philosophy of Ingersoll earler in the 1800's), has gradually twisted our vision of the essential Christian principles that are the very bedrock upon which our Constitution stands.
Our present grassroots Revolution under this administration exemplifies precisely what our Fouders saw would happen under the tryanny of a central government which became stronger than the collective will of the People. Jeffeson even said tha it would require a revolution every 200 yrs to maintain our freedom. It has been 234 years....
We're over due I suppose is what your saying? 1 by land - 2 by sea, the cry will come giving us direction, then GOD help us as HE always does.
"The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite"
--James Madison
Here's the link I referenced a minute ago:
http://hillbuzz.org/2010/03/15/question-if-the-go...
Apologies for the long link, but I haven't yet learned how to do the tiny.url thing. Scroll to Post #12. Hopefully I haven't violated copyright or anything.
There was a disturbing comment on the Hillbuzz.org website recently (Michael, I e-mailed you a copy, fyi) from someone claiming to have interned for two Supreme Court Justices. This poster stated that if Obamacare passes, all the states' resolutions and legislation nullifying the federal mandate(s) will be moot; the feds will apparently NOT ALLOW the states to opt out. I'll post the link momentarily.
Are they TRYING to drive this nation into another civil war?
From reading the posts made here you would think some don't believe the states have the right of interposition or nullification.
It was not Madison who "undermined the long term prospects" for the Constitution of 1787 or the Founding Principles. It was the New England States that threatened to secede to protect their financial interests in the Hartford Convention of 1814 while Madison was President. The War with the British was hitting the New England wallet.
Washington warned in 1796 (farewell address) against sectional parties seeking advantage over other sections. In 1860, the sectional Republican party elected Lincoln for the express purpose of cramming the Morrill Tariff down the throats of the southern states. The Southern states already paid 80% of all federal revenues. Now, the Republicans planned to roughly double the take. Lincoln said pay up or else. The war was inevitable. http://georgiaheritagecouncil.org/site2/commentar...
I believe the author has it wrong. In the "Detached Memoranda" published about 1820, Madison rejects the Nullification concept in favor of a strong central government whose legislation cannot be overturned by the states. Jefferson on the other hand, belived in nullification as a legitimate process to maintain state autonomy.
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