Celebrating Justice O’Connor: Parade Magazine Muffs the Job

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Last week’s Parade Magazine, the Sunday insert, featured a cover article on former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor. It was a terrific choice: Justice O’Connor has lived an inspirational life.

But Parade essentially muffed the job. While displaying its eagerness to celebrate some of her more liberal views, the article entirely overlooked Justice O’Connor’s truly historic contribution: Her role in resuscitating federalism (“states’ rights”) in Supreme Court jurisprudence.

Unlike most of the justices appointed to the modern Supreme Court, O’Connor brought with her solid experience in all three branches of state government. She had served in Arizona’s executive branch as an assistant attorney general, in the legislature as a state senator and majority leader, and in the judiciary both as a trial and appellate judge.

This practical experience and appreciation for federalism showed in her opinions. In 1987, Justice O’Connor dissented in South Dakota v. Dole, where the Court upheld a federal law invading traditional state prerogatives. (The law threatened to withhold a small fraction of highway funds from any state that did not raise its drinking age to 21.) Although she lost that case, her sharp dissent gave bite to critical concessions by the Court’s majority: (1) The federal spending power has limits, (2) conditions on federal funding must be related to the purpose of the program, and (3) withdrawal of federal funds cannot be so severe as to be “coercive.”

The Court enforced those limits in 2012 when it voided, by a 7-2 majority, Obamacare’s imposition of coercive Medicaid mandates on the states.

In South Dakota v. Dole, O’Connor and her fellow Arizonan and Stanford Law School classmate, Justice Rehnquist, were on opposite sides. That was not to remain so for long.

In a string of later federalism decisions, Rehnquist flipped to her side, and they carried the majority of the Court with them. The famous cases of Lopez, Morrison, Alden and others all owe something to her influence.

In 1992, O’Connor led a 6-3 majority what proved to be a trend-setting case, and almost certainly the most important pronouncement of her career (although Parade Magazine didn’t think it worth a mention). The case was New York v. United States.

New York v. United States established, or rather re-established, the principle that states are independent sovereigns in the federal system—and that Congress cannot “commandeer” them in service of its own priorties.

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In arguing the matter, the federal government contended that because New York had cooperated with the unconstitutional law, New York couldn’t challenge it. O’Connor’s response ranks as one of the Supreme Court’s greatest pronouncements ever on the role of the states in the federal system:

The Constitution does not protect the sovereignty of States for the benefit of the States or state governments as abstract political entities, or even for the benefit of the public officials governing the States. To the contrary, the Constitution divides authority between federal and state governments for the protection of individuals. State sovereignty is not just an end in itself: “Rather, federalism secures to citizens the liberties that derive from the diffusion of sovereign power.” . . . . “Just as the separation and independence of the coordinate branches of the Federal Government serves to prevent the accumulation of excessive power in any one branch, a healthy balance of power between the States and the Federal Government will reduce the risk of tyranny and abuse from either front.” . . . Where Congress exceeds its authority relative to the States, therefore, the departure from the constitutional plan cannot be ratified by the “consent” of state officials.

Nearly 20 years later, in the 2011 case of Bond v. United States, the Court reaffirmed those words of Justice O’Connor. The vote for doing so was unanimous.

About Rob Natelson

In private life, Rob Natelson is a long-time conservative/free market activist, but professionally he is a constitutional scholar whose meticulous studies of the Constitution's original meaning have been published or cited by many top law journals. (See: www.constitution.i2i.org/about/.) Most recently, he co-authored The Origins of the Necessary and Proper Clause (Cambridge University Press) and The Original Constitution (Tenth Amendment Center). After a quarter of a century as Professor of Law at the University of Montana, he recently retired to work full time at Colorado's Independence Institute.

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5 comments
onetenther
onetenther

My problem with the attitude that federalism is for the preservation of individual liberty is that if the court decides that a state has stepped on someone's liberty then whatever law that state erected that did so must be declared unconstitutional.  The constitution does not say any law that violates liberty is unconstitutional because every law that is passed violates someone's liberty.  The only question that should be decided is if the power used for the creation of that law existed to the state to begin with.  If the answer is YES then that law is constitutional even if the law violates someone's liberty.   Remember, slavery was clearly constitutional until an amendment was added that made it illegal everywhere in the United States.  As much as justices may have despised slavery they had no choice but to uphold it.  As much as O'connor is right about the sentiment about protecting someone's individual liberty we can not allow that to be an excuse to throw away perfectly constitutional laws of either the state or federal government.  What we have allowed to happen is for people to live under the court dictatorship simply because they have came up with a palatable excuse for them to throw away laws that they don't like. 

johnjmb714
johnjmb714

 @onetenther "As much as justices may have despised slavery they had no choice but to uphold it."

 

Why would this statement not be just the same as if saying, the justices had no choice but to uphold the Federal slave act?

onetenther
onetenther

 @johnjmb714 I think the federal slave act covered a different issue which was whether or not a slave owner could re-capture their slave in free states.  The issue of whether or not slave states could be slave states was never in question.  I hope that answered your question. 

CajunDave
CajunDave

@RonPaul_2012 For 60 years Congress has incrementally destroyed America. And We the People let ypu.

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