Yet Another Court Voids Obamacare’s Insurance Mandates

  • Share on Tumblr

by Rob Natelson

On August 12, the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit held that the insurance mandate in the “Obamacare” health control law is unconstitutional. The Court ruled that the mandate exceeded Congress’s Commerce Power, and was not a “tax” under Congress’s Taxation Power.

The ruling came in State of Florida v. U.S. Dept. Of Health and Human Services, the most significant of several cases challenging the constitutionality of Obamacare. This is the case brought by a coalition of 26 state attorneys general.

Some of the Court’s discussion suggests that an amicus curiae (“friend of the court”) brief filed by us at the Independence Institute may have influenced how the judges reached their decision.

However, the decision was not a total loss for the Obama administration—specifically, it upheld the law’s mandates on the states pertaining to Medicaid. Later posts will explain why that part of the decision is flat-out wrong, both under the actual meaning of the Constitution and under existing U.S. Supreme Court precedent.

But first, here are some basic facts about the ruling:

* The Court showed more understanding than previous tribunals of the nature of the Commerce Power—specifically that the Commerce Power is based on both the CommerceClause (Art. I, Section 8, Clause 3) and the Necessary and Proper Clause (Art. I, Section 8, Clause 18). The Supreme Court has rested its expansive reading of the Commerce Power (including the controversial “substantial effects test”) mostly on the Necessary and Proper Clause—not on the Commerce Clause itself. Since earlier opinions had not grasped this point, the 11th Circuit’s relative enlightenment may have been due to the explanation in our amicus brief. Understanding this technical point is important for properly understanding the Constitution.

* This decision is the first in which a judge (Hull) appointed by a Democratic President agreed that the mandate was unconstitutional. The decision was 2-1, with another Democratic nominee (Marcus) voting to uphold the mandate. (The other person in the majority was Chief Judge Dubina, a Republican appointee.)

* Unfortunately, in its analysis the judges refused to rely only on the straightforward and workable “activity vs. non-activity” test adopted by the trial court and other courts voiding Obamacare. Instead, the judges dismissed that test as too “formalistic” and got themselves tangled in a confused analysis of other factors. All this was in accordance with the philosophy of “legal realism” that has dominated the nation’s law schools for many years—promulgated, I might note, largely by law professors who themselves have little experience in the realism of law practice. (One difficulty with reading the Constitution this way is that the document speaks primarily in traditional legal—i.e., so-called “formalistic,” terms.)

The Original Constitution

Get the New Book Today!

* The trial court had invalidated the entire health control law, not just the unconstitutional mandate portion. The Obama administration had pointed out that the mandate was central to the viability of the law. Because that was so, the trial judge had held that Congress needed to go back to the drawing board entirely. But the appeals court decided that the rest of the law could be preserved without the mandate.

* Like all other courts considering the issue, the tribunal rejected the Obama administration’s argument that the penalty for not buying health insurance was a tax rather than a regulation of commerce. This was clearly the correct decision, both in view of the Constitution’s actual meaning and of the wording and legislative history of the health control law.

* Finally, like some other courts, the 11th Circuit upheld the Medicaid mandates on states. This part of the decision was clearly erroneous under the Constitution’s real meaning and probably erroneous under Supreme Court precedent. Future posts will explain why.

In private life, Rob Natelson is a long-time conservative/free market activist, but professionally he is a constitutional scholar whose meticulous studies of the Constitution’s original meaning have been published or cited by many top law journals. (See http://constitution.i2i.org/about/.) Most recently, he co-authored The Origins of the Necessary and Proper Clause (Cambridge University Press) and The Original Constitution (Tenth Amendment Center). After a quarter of a century as Professor of Law at the University of Montana, he recently retired to work full time at Colorado’s Independence Institute. Visit his blog there at http://constitution.i2i.org/

About Rob Natelson

In private life, Rob Natelson is a long-time conservative/free market activist, but professionally he is a constitutional scholar whose meticulous studies of the Constitution's original meaning have been published or cited by many top law journals. (See: www.constitution.i2i.org/about/.) Most recently, he co-authored The Origins of the Necessary and Proper Clause (Cambridge University Press) and The Original Constitution (Tenth Amendment Center). After a quarter of a century as Professor of Law at the University of Montana, he recently retired to work full time at Colorado's Independence Institute.

Enjoyed This Post?

We cannot succeed without your help, as we will never accept government grants or handouts. Please help us by investing in the Constitution and freedom today!

Enjoyed This Post?
7 comments
JMB
JMB

Our States have the Constitutional authority to reject abusive taxation.

Bob Greenslade
Bob Greenslade

If we assume James Madison knew what the hell he was talking about when he explained the division or separation of power between the States and their federal government in Federalist Essay No. 45:

"The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State."

and health care does not fall under the umbrella of federal power as explained by Madison, then arguing the application and scope of the taxing power, the Commerce Clause or the Necessary and Proper Clause relative to health care is nothing but an argument over the degree of a usurpation of power.

The federal government does not have the constitutional authority to invoke the delegated powers to do things that were never entrusted to that government in the first place.

In my mind that is the real argument!

Jeff Matthews
Jeff Matthews

But it's not the real argument. Nobody has ever, to my knowledge, contended the mortgage interest deduction is Unconstitutional. Yet, it has this effect of persuading people to finance home purchases.

Can Congress Constitutionally set tax rates at 50%, 70% or more? Yes. Undoubtedly.

Can Congress carve out all sorts of deductions to arrive at "taxable" income? Yes. Undoubtedly.

Madison is irrelevant. The income tax was implemented well after he was gone.

Bob Greenslade
Bob Greenslade

If Madison's explanation of the separation of power between the States and the federal government is irrelevant then the Constitution is dead and it's time to shut this web-site down and stop wasting our time discussing constitutional issues.

Jeff Matthews
Jeff Matthews

Rob, I can't speak directly as to how "legal realism" as a doctrine is defined, but here is a reality: Congress could easily do what it wills with the tax statutes. Instead of a "tax," how about a deduction for compliance?

The mortgage interest deduction encourages home ownership. Your effective rate will be higher if you do not finance the purchase of a home.

So, would it be Constitutional for Congress to impose a 15% tax increase across the board and then, turn around and give generous deductions to those who purchase health insurance meeting certain requirements? I think so. We've seen ample case law both ways on whether the tax power (specifically, imposition of a tax) can be used when it "happens" to change/regulate behavior (thus, indirectly regulating matters beyond the commerce power). However, I'd be surprised if any court would ever hold that a general tax rate across the board, coupled with a specific deduction, would violate the commerce clause.

There really are just too many ways to skin the cat.

Len
Len

The tax power says for the general welfare and common defense of the United States, so I would say that any tax must certainly be based on providing revenue for those two. We must then go to the enumerated powers to see what constitutes GW and CD, but then who bothers with that anymore?

Jeff Matthews
Jeff Matthews

It's not as easy as that, Len. Let's say the tax rate will be raised to 40% in order to raise money to pay the debt or fund the military. That would be Constitutional, right?

Now, just like all sorts of deductions from taxable income, a new deduction is added - one that allows a person to deduct the cost of health insurance if it meets certain criteria. I doubt seriously anyone would claim deductions could be Unconstitutional. I've never seen anyone try to make such an argument, but maybe they have.

Does anyone think the mortgage interest deduction is Unconstitutional? How about the standard deduction or the personal exemptions for dependent children? Are those Unconstitutional? I don't think so. I think the government is perfectly within its authority to allow any deduction it wants - except ones based on race, religion, etc.

So, here we have a tax to pay the debt, or to fund the military, or to pay costs associated with anything the government is empowered to do. Then, we have a deduction that can be itemized. That's all that is required. It's simple, and it's Constitutional. I haven't seen a persuasive argument to the contrary.

I am not condoning such a practice. I'm just laying it out there.

Trackbacks

  1. [...] noted in my last post, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit struck down as unconstitutional the Obamacare [...]

  2. [...] noted in my last post, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit struck down as unconstitutional the Obamacare [...]